We know the leaders in the cause of American independence: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and others.

But can you name a single American opponent of independence? Probably not. But they too were Americans who deserve to be remembered.

One such loyalist was John Dickinson. Born in 1732 to Quaker parents, Dickinson held some Quaker beliefs but never joined a Quaker church because he believed that defensive warfare was sometimes justified. Nevertheless, his Quaker upbringing probably caused him to view war as a last resort.

Dickinson studied law at the Inns of Court in England, growing to love the English legal system, while also realizing that he wasn’t really English; he was American.

Beginning a law practice in Philadelphia, Dickinson’s reputation grew, and his services were in demand. 

He soon became convinced that the colonies had legitimate grievances against England, articulating them in “Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania.” He also wrote, “The Liberty Song,” occasionally attributed to Mercy Otis Warren. Elected to the First Continental Congress in 1774, Dickinson drafted the Olive Branch Petition and helped draft the Petition to the King. He also took the lead in drafting the Articles of Confederation. He probably would have been called upon to write the Declaration of Independence, except for one thing – he opposed independence, believing that reconciliation with England should be tried first.

There is no transcript of the Continental Congress debate that began July 1, but Dickinson’s notes give hints as to what he said. Here are some of the main points he and other Loyalists raised:

  • “I must speak, tho I should lose my Life, tho I should lose the Affections of my Countrymen,” he began. He then prayed that God would enlighten the minds of the Congressmen “that their Decision may be such as will best promote the Liberty Safety and Prosperity of these Colonies.” 
  • Romans 13:1-7 and I Peter 2:13-17 command us to be obedient to those in authority, passages written when Nero was emperor, a far worse tyrant than any English king. The Scriptures consistently condemn those who are “rebellious,” and they incur God’s wrath (Joshua 22:16, Ezekiel 20:38, Isaiah 1:23, Job 24:13). Dickinson does not appear to have made this argument, but many Loyalists did, including Anglican pastors who had taken a loyalty oath to King George III as head of the Church of England.
  • England had not turned a deaf ear to colonists’ concerns. In response to congressional petitions, England repealed the Stamp Act and all provisions of the Townshend Acts except one. The Parliament and the King were willing to consider American grievances if presented in a forceful but civil manner.
  • As for “no taxation without representation,” many in America had no representation in colonial governments or Congress. Voting was limited to free adult male property owners. And there was a chance Parliament would give the colonies representatives if requested.
  • Taxes were lower in Great Britain than in almost any other kingdom, and nowhere in this kingdom were they lower than in the American colonies. At substantial expense, the Royal Navy protected American shipping and shores from the French and Spaniards, and the British army protected Americans on land from the French and Indians. It seemed only fair that Americans shoulder a portion of that expense. 
  • America could not win against Britain with untrained and ill-equipped militias. The Continental Congress had no power to tax to raise a defense, nor did America have a king to lead them into war. As Dickinson said, launching a war for independence at this time would be like braving “the Storm in a Skiff made of Paper.” He did not believe Americans should commit “our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor,” let alone those of their wives, children and countrymen, to fortunes uncertain if not hopeless.
  • France was an undependable ally, stirring up trouble and aiding trouble-makers in rival nations, then abandoning them when no longer convenient to support them. France would partner with America only to destabilize England and would try to dominate us. Was it wise to trade England for a despotic Catholic power like France? (History proved the Loyalists were mistaken. France did help the American colonies, although French motives for helping us may be varied.) 
  • In the unlikely event that American rebellion succeeded, what would happen? There was no assurance what kind of government we would have. A republic? Monarchy? Oligarchy? Anarchy? What protection of rights would we enjoy? There was no bill of rights and no assurance we ever would. Dickinson included a protection for freedom of conscience in the Articles he drafted, but the committee deleted it. Loyalists argued that they enjoyed more protection under the Magna Carta, the English Bill of Rights, and the Anglo-Saxon common law than in an unpredictable America post revolution.

Knowing he was in the minority, Dickinson told the delegates their vote for independence should be unanimous. He therefore left Congress and was absent during the vote, causing some to call him a traitor and a coward.

However, once independence was declared, Dickinson threw his support behind his state and country. A colonel in the Pennsylvania militia, he marched his men to Trenton to support General Washington. He remained a loyal American patriot for the rest of his life, and upon his death the United States Congress eulogized him as “the most distinguished of patriots.” The Congress voted to wear black armbands to commemorate him, and Sen. Samuel White of Delaware told the chamber, “His head and his heart devoted to the service and love of his country, till his locks were bleached by the frosts of more than seventy winters, have no descended in silence to the grave.”

Dickinson’s story reminds me of the protests against the Vietnam War. Some opposed it because they hated America and wanted the Communists to win. Others opposed it because they sincerely believed it was not the right course for America. As a Vietnam veteran, I have utter contempt for the former, but respect for the latter even though I disagree with them.

Likewise, without agreeing with all Dickinson said and did, I respect him as an American patriot.

Treason doth never prosper: what’s the reason?
Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason.
John Harington 

Colonel Eidsmoe serves as Professor of Constitutional Law for the Oak Brook College of Law & Government Policy (obcl.edu), as Senior Counsel for the Foundation for Moral Law (morallaw.org), and as Pastor of Woodland Presbyterian Church (woodlandpca.org) of Notasulga, Alabama. He may be contacted for speaking engagements at [email protected].

The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of 1819 News. To comment, please send an email with your name and contact information to [email protected]

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