The calls used to come with some regularity.
“President Trump is a dictator,’’ the angry voice would scream.
To which I would respond, “If he is a dictator, he’s the worst dictator in the history of mankind. He didn’t get half of what he wanted to do passed through Congress. What kind of dictator is that?”
“Well,’’ would come the more subdued reply, “he wants to be a dictator.”
Maybe so. But wanting to be, and actually being, are clearly two very different things.
If former president Donald Trump wanted to be a dictator, then it didn’t work out very well – as evidenced by that second word, “former.”
Because what happens in our country, with our form of government – for all its weaknesses and flaws – is that despite many of our worst fears, most of the time the system works, whether we like it or not.
I am reminded of that when I hear President Biden (the current dictator-wannabe who apparently overthrew the previous dictator-wannabe) express great fear over state legislatures' election laws.
The U.S. Census Bureau indicates the Democrats are trying to force a solution to a problem that may not exist. The Census Bureau says, “Despite unique challenges to voter registration and voting created by COVID-19 and heightened concerns about turnout as a result, the 2020 election had the highest voter turnout of the 21st century. The 2020 election featured the largest increase in voters between two presidential elections on record with 17 million more people voting than in 2016…”
The report goes on to say, “Turnout rates in 2020 were higher than in the 2016 election for non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Asian, and Hispanic race and origin groups.” Among non-Hispanic Whites, voter turnout increased by 6% in 2020 over 2016, the same increase as among Hispanics from 2016 to 2020. Among non-Hispanic Blacks, the turnout was 3% higher at 63% of eligible Black voters (although not as high as in 2008 when that turnout was 65%).
But what about moves by state legislatures to somehow thwart future election results? That seems to be the most common fear repeated primarily by those currently on the left of the political spectrum.
While there have been some un-democratic - not the party, the process - bills proposed by members of various state legislatures, here is the thing: few have made it out of committee hearings in those states. One example: A February bill in Missouri, sponsored by a single GOP Representative in the state’s lower chamber, would give the State Legislature the power to overturn the state’s popular vote, saying, “The general assembly shall retain its authority to name presidential electors in cases of fraud.” The bill never made it out of committee. (The Wall Street Journal does its usual good job reporting on many of these instances.)
Again, more times than not, the system works.
That’s not to say there hasn’t been some troubling rumblings from state legislatures. And it is concerning that, while the U.S. Constitution in Article 1 leaves the “times, places, and manner” of holding elections for federal office to state legislatures, there were cases in 2020 where Courts and Secretaries of State changed election procedure without state legislative approval, operating under “emergency rules” because of COVID. Do we suspend the Constitution during a pandemic? The Supreme Court apparently believes so.
The solution truly is “federal” – using the very definition of federal, which reads “having or relating to a system of government in which several states form a unity but remain independent in internal affairs.” (Italics added for emphasis).
Poll after poll shows a growing mistrust of the Federal (meaning central) government. Gallup reports trust in Washington D.C. to handle domestic problems at 39%. Pew found only 24% trust Washington to “do what is right … most of the time.”
But a Deloitte study, looking into trust levels of government, finds trust in state government at 57%, and trust in local government to be 66%. As the Deloitte study summed it up: “The more local, the more trusted.”
If we’re going to restore confidence in elections, it’s going to have to start at the state level. It has been rightly said that the 50 states are 50 ‘labs,’ where governing is local and issues are dealt with and the best ideas can spread while the ones that don’t work can be redone.
If Alabama is free to do things a little differently, might not Arizona or Alaska or even Connecticutt follow? Or even find ways to improve upon what the other is doing? Doesn’t this allow for flexibility to adapt and fix problems that might lead to state-by-state solutions, which then become national?
The Deloitte study pointed out that “local government officials are closest to the people and more likely to hear directly from unhappy constituents. It is easier to go to your local town hall and access a town official or department head directly than it is to travel to Washington, DC in hopes of meeting someone in a position of authority.”
That's why it is imperative that "we the people" know what is going on in Montgomery - as well as the local school board. We can effect change at the local level more quickly and more easily than trying to change D.C.
Republicans cast doubt on the fairness of elections in 2020. Democrats – including President Biden - are already setting the stage for doing the same in 2022.
"I'm not going to say it (the 2022 election) is going to be legit," Biden said in a press conference this week. "The prospect of being illegitimate is in direct proportion to us not being able to get these reforms passed." In other words, do it his way or he'll say the election was stolen.
When the groundwork is already being laid for an illegitimate election, the end result is likely to be fewer people voting – not because it has become somehow more difficult to vote, but because they will say “what’s the use?” That's what happened in the Georgia Senate race run-off. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that over 752,000 Georgia voters who cast ballots in the presidential election didn’t show up again for the runoffs just two months later, the majority of those being voters that leaned toward Republican candidates. The most common reason given? “Why bother? My vote won’t count.”
That’s real voter suppression: when people are convinced their vote doesn’t matter.
That is where the real battle lines should be drawn.
Ray Melick is Editor-in-Chief of 1819 News. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of 1819 News. To comment, please send an email with your name and contact information to Commentary@1819News.com.
